“The World According to Monsanto”

June 25, 2008

The Real News Network, June 22, 2008

Filmmaker Marie-Monique Robin on the troubling past of one of the world’s biggest agricultural companies. 

Monsanto is a world leader in industrial agriculture, providing the seeds for 90 percent of the world’s genetically modified crops. Once a chemical company based in the US, Monsanto has transformed into an international life sciences company, aiming to solve world hunger and protect the environment. Filmmaker Marie-Monique Robin, however, exposes the company’s troubling past, in her recent film, The World According to Monsanto. In an interview with The Real News Network, she discusses Monsanto’s controversial practices from a producer of PCBs and Agent Orange to genetically modified seeds and related herbicides.

Marie-Monique Robin is an award winning French journalist and filmmaker who specializes in social and political issues. She is also the author of several books including Le monde selon Monsanto, De la dioxine aux OGM,which coincides with the launch of her documentary by the same name.


Who’s to blame for price of oil?

June 25, 2008

The Real News Network, June 23, 2008 

Unregulated and criminal speculation main cause of high oil prices. 

Oil consuming nations stepped up pressure on the Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) on Sunday to increase production at an international summit on spiraling crude prices in the Saudi city of Jeddah. OPEC leaders are saying doubling of oil prices over the past year was due to geopolitical tension, unregulated speculation and a shortage of refining capacity rather than a failure by producers to supply enough crude. Antonia Juhasz, author of the book “Tyranny of Oil” comments on the current situation.


UK government lobbied for Phulbari Coal Project

June 22, 2008

World Development Movement, May 2008

The UK government has been actively supporting plans by a British company to build an open-cast mine in Bangladesh. The mine in Phulbari, proposed by UK company Global Coal Management, would destroy the homes of more than 40,000 people and threaten the water supplies of a further 100,000.

In response to a question asked in the UK parliament, the Department for Business has disclosed that it has lobbied the Bangladesh government for the mine to go ahead.

Gareth Thomas MP, UK Trade Minister, has now admitted that the British government “have lobbied to ensure that the Government of Bangladesh take the company’s interests into consideration and do not prohibit opencast mining. The British high commission will continue to remain in touch with the company and will represent their interests as appropriate.”

Tim Jones from the World Development Movement said:

“It is scandalous that the UK government has been actively supporting plans for this potentially disastrous mine. If implemented, it would destroy the livelihoods of thousands of people.

“The British government are putting the profits of British business ahead of the welfare of thousands of people in one of the poorest countries in the world.

“Gareth Thomas is both a Minister for Business and for International Development. Phulbari is a test case for whose side he is really on - the only development the mine will promote is that of a British company.”

Community leaders from Phulbari said earlier this year that the mine “will increase the poverty of the local population as well as cause environmental disaster.”

Global Coal Management’s investors include British bank Barclays and Swiss banks UBS and Credit Suisse. In April 2008, the Asian Development Bank announced it was pulling out of funding the scheme.

Take Action: www.wdm.org.uk/bangladeshmine

Further information: 

Kate Blagojevic 
Press officer, World Development Movement 
0207 820 4900/4913, 07711 875 345, Email: kate.blagojevic@wdm.org.uk


Gas Field Blow-out: Niko sued for Tk 746cr over Tengratilla loss

June 18, 2008

The Daily Star, June 18, 2008. Dhaka, Bangladesh

The government yesterday filed a damage suit with a Dhaka court against Niko Resources Bangladesh Ltd, claiming Tk 746.50 crore in compensation for destroying properties and gas reserves in and around the Tengratilla Gas Field in Sunamganj.

The secretary of the Ministry of Energy and Mineral Resources filed the case on behalf of the government and Bangladesh Oil, Gas and Mineral Corporation (Petrobangla).

The defendants are Qasim Sharif, president of Niko Resources Bangladesh Ltd, Brian J Adolph, vice-president and country manager of Niko, Peter Mercier, vice-president (Bangladesh Operation) of GSM Inc–a worldwide company represented by its President Robert D Grace–and GSM Drilling Manager George M Lattimore.

After the hearing, Judge Abu Mohammad Aminul Ehsan (Central Filing) of Joint District Judge’s Court, Dhaka fixed July 31 for the next hearing on the suit and directed the authorities concerned to serve summons upon the defendants to appear before the court on the scheduled date.

In the case, the energy secretary said under Article 143 of the constitution, the government is the owner of natural resources including gas that was destroyed and damaged by Niko’s gross negligence and lack of skills and efficiency.

Niko entered into a joint venture agreement with Bapex on October 16, 2003 for development and production of petroleum from Chhatak and Feni gas fields. Niko started drilling the Chhatak-2 well on December 31, 2004 with the plan to drill three development wells in Chhatak West and one exploratory well in Chhatak East.

Niko drilled the first well Chhatak-2 without the approval of the Joint Management Committee under the agreement, the secretary noted. But this well met with the first blowout on January 7, 2005 in Tengratilla of Doarabazar of Sunamganj. This prompted the energy ministry to form an enquiry committee to determine the cause of fire and damage caused by the blowout.

In the enquiry, the committee found that the blowout had resulted from operational failure and inappropriate casing design and it held Niko responsible for the blowout.

“Niko took up a programme for drilling a relief well to contain the blowout in Chhatak-2,” the secretary stated. On May 30, 2005, Niko started drilling a relief well about 91 metres west of the blown out well. While the drilling was in progress, another blowout occurred on June 24, 2005.

“Niko did not have experience of its own in respect of designing and implementing relief well and Niko engaged GSM Inc to design and supervise the relief well operation,” the secretary pointed out, adding that the GSM then provided consultancy, relief well design, plans and drilling procedures which Niko approved before implementing.

“Mr Brian J Adolph, Country Manager of Niko having BSC Engg (Civil), held the management positions but he had no experience in the above field,” he stated, adding that GSM Well Control Specialist Robert D Grace had experience in blowout control but no experience in drilling relief well in shallow gas sand like that of Tengratilla.

GSM Drilling Manager George M Lattimore had no experience as a drilling manager while the drilling supervisor of Niko and GSM also had no experience in their respective fields.

The second blowout took place due to their lack of experience. So, the responsibility goes to Niko, said the energy secretary.

Article 3 of the Niko-Bapex agreement says the development and production of petroleum from the marginal gas fields at Chhatak and Feni is at the sole risk, responsibility and expense of Niko which is the exclusive operator of these fields. Under article 27.2 of the agreement, Niko is obliged to conduct all operations in a “diligent, conscientious and workmanlike manner and bear responsibility in accordance with the laws applicable for any loss or damage to third parties caused by the wrongful or negligent acts or omissions of the Operator”.

The secretary added that the enquiry committee found that the Chhatak-2 blowout took place due to the well’s becoming “under-balanced by swabbing during first wiper trip in open whole section. The well Chhatak 2 did not encounter unexpected gas pressure while drilling down to 807 metres.”

The committee also observed that Niko’s well casing was the result of both technical lapses and gross negligence. The technical drilling personnel were reasonably experienced but not all of them could communicate in English.

The enquiry committee observed that the volume of gas actually lost due to the blowout can somewhat be estimated according to Niko’s log report. The initial gas loss was in the range was 100 million cubic feet. This figure could be even higher. The gas loss in the first seven days could be around 500 mmcf. By the time a relief well was being drilled, the Chhatak field might have lost roughly about 1 billion cubic feet of gas.

The secretary added that the committee submitted its report on the first blowout on February 7, 2005, blaming Niko’s operation failure and inappropriate casing design for the blowout and accused Niko of gross negligence. The payment of compensation relating to the loss of recoverable gas reserve and the damage to property and environment becomes the responsibility of Niko. But unfortunately the defendants have shown unwillingness and non-cooperation in all cases, which have compelled the government to take shelter of the court.

The secretary then referred to a third committee that also observed and assessed the damage caused to the environment by the first blowout. That committee held meetings participated by representatives of Niko and Bapex, Dr Ainun Nishat, Dr Atique Rahman and Md Reazuddin and several officials of different government agencies. This committee put the figure of environmental damage at Tk 35.44 crore.

After the second blowout another committee assessed a fresh environmental damage at Tk 84.55 crore. This committee submitted its report on September 14, 2005. Another committee headed by Buet Professor M Tamim was assigned to assess the gas loss.

On December 6, 2005, the government formally demanded from Niko the payment of compensation for the damage either by amicable settlement or by way of arbitration. But Niko resorted to dilatory tactics to avoid its responsibility.

When Petrobangla served legal notices on May 27 this year, asking Niko to settle the matter out of court, Niko remained silent and demonstrated unwillingness to settle the matter.

The government then submitted a schedule of claim. Schedule-A demands Tk 36.85 crore worth of gas of 3 billion cubic feet. Schedule-B demands Tk 72.35 crore worth of 5.89 billion cubic feet gas burnt at sub-surface. Schedule-C claims additional sub-surface loss of Tk 552.75 crore worth of 45 billion cubic feet gas and Schedule-D adds environmental loss worth of Tk 84.55 crore.


Magurchhara Blowout: No compensation even after a decade

June 14, 2008

The Daily Star, June 14 2008. Dhaka, Bangladesh

Today is the 11th anniversary of Magurchhara gas-well explosion. On the night of this day in 1997, a massive blowout torn apart the Magurchhaqra gas field in Moulvibazar’s Kamalganj upazila while US energy company Occidental was drilling a well there.

The massive blaze that the blowout triggered wiped out property worth crores of taka. The US company was widely blamed for the devastation, but compensation for the damage remains still a far reach.

Different organisations have been observing the ‘Magurchhara Day’ on June 14 every year with various programmes: meetings, rallies, human chains, etc. 

Sayed Abu Zafar Ahmed of the ‘Committee for Oil, Gas and Port Protection in the National Interest’ said their organisation has chalked out programmes to observe the day.

At Magurchhara, the affected people expressed their dissatisfaction to this correspondent over the role of the successive governments in realising the damages. They wanted to know the mystery behind the long government silence when it comes to settling the compensation claims.

The flora and fauna of the Lawachhara Reserve Forest adjoining the exploded well took the brunt of the explosion. The inferno destroyed a teak grove raised between 1944 and 1950, bamboo shacks created between 1993 and 1995, and a strip of plantation established in 1994.

About 96 acres of Lawachhara forest was completely burnt. Fifty percent of the forest resources on 111.15 acres of land and 30 percent resources on 106.21 acres of land were also damaged. 

Experts said the loss is irrecoverable. Since the fire, wild animals stray into households on the outskirts of the forest in search of food.

The then Awami League government formed a committee headed by the then additional secretary to the ministry of energy and mineral resources to assess the loss of the resources. The committee submitted a report to the ministry’s secretary on July 30, 1997. 

The parliamentary standing committee on energy and mineral resources ministry formed another investigation committee comprising three lawmakers. Besides, the forest department had also conducted a survey on June 16 and 17, 1997.

According to the committee reports, the damage to forest resources amounted to Tk 9,858 crore while 29 tea gardens of the area suffered a loss of about Tk 46.07 crore. 

The railway suffered a loss of Tk 21 crore, Jalalabad Gas Company Tk 43 lakh, the electricity department about Tk 4.35 crore. Indigenous Khasia people lost betel leaf plantations worth Tk 18 lakh. 

The reports said the ecology is unlikely to bounce back to normal within the next 50 years. 

Locals are yet to receive compensation while energy company Occidental already made a safe exit from Magurchhara. After the accident, another US company Unocal took over the operations of Magurchhara gas field and later yet another US company, Chevron, bought out Unocal. 

According Chevron, Moulvibazar gas field at Magurchhara has been operating safely since its re-inception in March 2005. The company drilled through sand twice where the accident had taken place in 1997. One well is currently producing natural gas.


Phulbari Coal Project and Barclays Bank

June 3, 2008

World Development Movement, April 24, 2008

Activists from the World Development Movement attended Barclays’ AGM to question the bank’s involvement in the controversial Phulbari Mine project in Bangladesh.


Gene Giants: Climate saviors or profiteers?

June 3, 2008

TheRealNews, May 2008

Biotech companies seek hundreds of patents for genetically modified “climate-ready” seeds


Phulbari Coal Extraction: Open pit mining to affect food security in Dinajpur

May 31, 2008

The Daily Star, May 31 2008. 

Oil, gas protection body leaders tell meetings at Phulbari, Nilphamari

Leaders of National Oil, Gas, Power, Mineral Resources and Port Protection Committee said here yesterday the food security will be affected in the district if the coal in Phulbari is extracted through open pit mine method.

They said about 40 square mile land in four upazilas in the district will be damaged in the process. 

The committee leaders were addressing a meeting titled, ‘People’s Demand and Phulbari Coalmine,’ held yesterday at Rabeya Community Centre at Phulbari where three persons were killed during a carnage there on August 26, 2006. The meeting was presided by committee convener Md Saiful Islam Jewel. 

The coalmine will bring numerous sufferings to villagers, they said. They said the coal will be utilized outside the country rather than using for domestic purpose. 

The meeting expressed dissatisfaction as the government is yet to implement the 6-point demand signed after Phulbari carnage on August 30, 2006. They urged the caretaker government to implement the demand. They urged the people of the four affected upazilas to thwart any conspiracy of foreign investors in this regard. 

Md. Saiful Islam Jewel, convener of Phulbari Oil, Gas and Mineral Resources and Port Protection Committee told the meeting that nation will decide to utilize the underground resources of the country and Phulbari people will thwart any conspiracy against them with the Phulbari coal project, he added. 

The speakers observed that a strong political will is needed to resolve the issue. In his address, Prof Anu Mohammad, general secretary of the committee said that the underground asset belongs to people who will decide their fate. 

Among others, Prof Anu Mohammad, Engineer Sheikh Muhammad Shahidullah and Haider Akbar Khan Rano of Workers’ Party, Zunayed Shaki, Gano Sanghati Andolon, Prof Samsul Alam (member), Tipur Biswas of Gano Front and Advocate Abdus Salam spoke. 

Earlier, the committee leaders held a press conference at ‘Media House’ in Nilphamari on Thursday, said our district correspondent. They said the countrymen won’t not allow any amendment in proposed coal policy. 
They said for coal extraction, the principle of utilisng mineral resources for betterment of people, not for making profit, should be followed. The coal also should be extracted by national organisations, they said.

Chaired by Sreedam Das, convener of the district unit of the committee, the press conference was addressed by Engineer Sheikh Muhammad Sahidullah, Prof Anu Mohammad and Noor Mohammad.

They said ‘Asia Energy’ is spreading corruption in order to establish their ‘devastating’ plan as a development project. They said the expert committee formed earlier termed the development plan of ‘Asia Energy’ as illegal and their project against the national interest. 

Prof Anu Mohammad alleged ‘Asia Energy’ is trying to divide public opinion by making some agents. 

Phulbari bed reserves at least 572 million tonnes of coal. If Bangladesh Government signs any deal with a company then coal extraction will last for 30 years where about 50,000 people will be relocated, according to officials of Asia Energy.


Civil Society statement on the World Food Emergency: No More “Failures-as-Usual”!

May 23, 2008

Historic, systemic failures of governments and international institutions are responsible.  National governments that will meet at the FAO Food Crisis Summit in Rome must begin by accepting their responsibility for today’s food emergency.  

Download the statement as PDF

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At the World Food Summit in 1996, when there were an estimated 830 million hungry people, governments pledged to halve the number by 2015. Many now predict that the number will instead increase by 50% to 1.2 billion, further threatened by unpredictable climate chaos and the additional pressures of agrofuel production.  

In the midst of collapsing farm and fish stocks, skyrocketing food and fuel prices, new policies, practices and structures are required to resolve the current food emergency and to prevent future - and greater - tragedies. Governments, including those in the global South, and intergovernmental organisations must now recognize their part in implementing policies that have undermined agricultural productivity and destroyed national food security. For these reasons, they have lost legitimacy and confidence of the world’s peoples that they can make the real, substantial changes necessary to end the present food crisis; to safeguard peoples’ food availability and livelihoods; and to address the challenges of climate change. 

The emergency today has its roots in the food crisis of the 1970s when some opportunistic OECD governments, pursuing neoliberal policies, dismantled the international institutional architecture for food and agriculture. This food crisis is the result of the long standing refusal of governments and intergovernmental organisations to respect, protect and fulfil the right to food, and of the total impunity for the systematic violations of this right among others. They adopted short-term political strategies that engineered the neglect of food and agriculture and set the stage for the current food emergency.  

As a consequence, the UN agencies and programmes and other international institutions, dominated by a small group of donor countries, are badly governed, grossly inefficient, competitive rather than cooperative and incapable of fulfilling their (conflicting) mandates. The structural adjustment policies imposed by the World Bank and the IMF, the WTO Agreement on Agriculture and the free trade paradigm have undermined local and national economies, eroded the environment and damaged local food systems leading to today’s food crisis. It has facilitated the development of corporate oligopolies and break-neck corporate concentration along the entire food chain; allowed predatory commodity speculation and financial market adventurism; and enabled international finance institutions and bilateral aid programmes to devastate sustainable food production and livelihood systems.  

Social movements and other civil society organisations have joined together to determine a new approach to the dysfunctional global food system. We are developing the following global plan of action for food and agriculture and would be willing to discuss this plan with governments and intergovernmental organisations that will be attending the Rome Food Summit - the “High-Level Conference on World Food Security: the Challenges of Climate Change and Bioenergy”.  

We are prepared to work with committed governments and United Nations organisations that share our concerns and are dedicated to end the food emergency and develop food sovereignty.  

We declare a People’s State of Emergency for the ongoing food crisis. In a State of Emergency, people and governments can suspend any legislative or regulatory measures that could imperil the Right to Food and can also abolish any private arrangements considered damaging to Food Sovereignty. Any public or private measures that might restrict the ability of peasant and small-producers to get domestic food to market can be cancelled. Debt cancellation is urgently needed if the global South is to address the immediate and ongoing food emergency. We believe the current food emergency and the ongoing threat of climate change are sufficient grounds for declaring a State of Emergency. 

• We call on the Human Rights Council and the International Court of Justice to investigate the contribution of agribusiness, including grain traders and commodity speculators, to violations of the right to food and to the food emergency. High production input costs and food prices during the current food emergency are in some measure due to historic agribusiness profits and the actions of commodity market speculators. The oligopolies and speculators, who operate throughout the food chain, must be investigated and suspected criminal behaviour must be brought to justice. The UN Human Rights Council should undertake the necessary investigations. National governments should not hesitate, wherever other governments have failed in their international obligations, to challenge abuses through the International Court of Justice. At the national level, anti cartel and monopoly laws should be strengthened. The Human Rights Council should support governments to guarantee that their public policies respect, protect and promote the right to adequate food, in the context of the indivisibility of rights. 

We demand an immediate halt to the development of land for producing industrial agrofuels for cars, planes and energy production in power stations, including the use of so-called biomass “waste”. The sudden sharp increase in large scale industrial agrofuel production threatens local and global food security, destroys livelihoods, damages the environment and is a significant factor in the steep rise in food prices. This new enclosure movement - converting arable, pastoral, and forest lands to fuel production - must be rejected. The Rome Food Summit should endorse the proposal of the UN Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food for a five year moratorium on the expansion of large scale industrial production of agrofuel in order to resolve conflicts with food production, develop rules for agrofuel production and to evaluate proposed agrofuel technologies. 

We call for a new and truly cooperative global initiative in which we are full participants in the process of policy change and institutional correction. We will not stand aside to watch the rich and the incompetent destroy our lives and our earth. We will fight for food sovereignty including the right to food, for sustainable food production and for a healthy biologically-diverse environment. To achieve this: 

1. We call for the establishment of a UN Commission on Food Production, Consumption and Trade. This Commission must have a significant and substantive representation of small-scale food producers and marginalized consumers. The Secretary-General’s recently convened Task Force offers a clear and welcome political signal that the food emergency transcends individual institutions and demands urgent global action. However, the Task Force is dominated by the failed institutions whose negligence and neoliberal policies created the crisis. Those whom the governmental and intergovernmental systems have damaged – those we must feed and those who must feed us — are once again, excluded. The Task Force should end its work at the conclusion of the Rome Food Summit and the new, inclusive, Commission must begin its work immediately thereafter. 

Membership: The Commission should expand upon the format established by the Brundtland Commission 20 years ago which opened the way for the environmental summits that followed. In forming the Commission, the Secretary-General should be mindful of the findings of the International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD) whose recently completed report was approved by nearly 60 governments, as well as the outcomes of FAO agrarian reform (ICARRD) conference and process.  

Mandate: The mandate of the new Commission must include all forms of – and constraints to – food production; all aspects of – and barriers to – safe, adequate, affordable and culturally appropriate food; and a full analysis of the entire food chain in consideration of changing climatic conditions. The Commission should provide an interim report to the UN General Assembly and the governing bodies of FAO, IFAD and WFP by the end of 2008 and provide a final report, with recommendations, to these organisations in the final quarter of 2009. 

2. We must fundamentally restructure the multilateral organisations involved in food and agriculture. Several food-related multilateral institutions have been criticised for their governance and programme failures. Notably, Independent External Evaluations (IEE) of FAO and IFAD have exposed serious systemic shortcomings. In particular, the IEE of FAO shows that the senior management of FAO — while recognizing the urgent need for change — does not believe that the governments or the institution is capable of substantive changes.  The evaluation of CGIAR is ongoing and is exposing major governance failures that cannot be resolved within the CGIAR framework. Last year, the World Bank undertook an internal evaluation of its agricultural work in Africa and was deeply and appropriately self-critical. It is because of this that civil society is convinced that the Secretary-General’s Task Force must evolve into the wider Commission outlined above. In order to facilitate the Commission’s work, civil society recommends three immediate decisions: 

The Rome Food Summit should agree to undertake a meta-evaluation of the major food and agricultural institutions (FAO, IFAD, WFP and CGIAR) by the end of 2008. 

Based on this meta-evaluation, FAO’s biennial budget for regional conferences should be adjusted to allow the convening of regional food and agricultural conferences, equally involving all the major multilateral institutions, in the first half of 2009. These meetings must ensure the full and active participation of representatives of peasant and small-scale farmers, pastoralists and fisherfolk. 

Building from the meta-evaluation and regional conferences, the Commission – by the end of 2009 – must submit its report including a new architecture for the UN’s food and agricultural work. Without prescribing the integrity of the process described above, we are convinced that responsibility for international policies and practices related to food and agriculture must reside with a single agency within the community of agencies of the United Nations where the principle of “one nation – one vote” must prevail.  

3. We call for a local and global paradigm-shift towards Food Sovereignty. Food production and consumption are fundamentally based upon local considerations. The answer to current and future food crises is only possible with a paradigm-shift toward comprehensive food sovereignty. Small-scale farmers, pastoralists, fisherfolk, indigenous peoples and others have defined a food system based on the human Right to adequate Food and food production policies that increase democracy in localised food systems and ensure maximisation of sustainable natural resource use. Food Sovereignty addresses all of the continuing issues identified by the 1974 World Food Conference. It focuses on food for people; values food providers; localises food systems; assures community and collective control over land, water and genetic diversity; honours and builds local knowledge and skills; and works with nature. Food sovereignty is substantially different from existing neoliberal trade and aid policies purporting to address world ‘food security’. These policies are exclusionary; insensitive to those who produce food; silent on where and how it is grown or consumed; and have - since the 1970s - been proven failures.  Governments and international institutions must respect and adopt food sovereignty. 

4. We believe that the Right to Food prevails over trade agreements and other international policies. In the current food emergency, trade negotiations related to food and agriculture must halt and work should begin on a new trade dialogue under UN auspices. The structural adjustment policies imposed by the World Bank and the IMF, the WTO Agreement on Agriculture and the free trade paradigm have undermined local and national economies, eroded the environment and damaged local food systems leading to today’s food crisis. Neoliberal trade policies have also strengthened multinational agribusinesses and encouraged windfall profiteering. Food dumping and artificially low-priced food exports have also destroyed local systems and must end. The international finance institutions and the WTO have forced the global South to close marketing boards and shutdown mechanisms for market stabilisation and price guaranties for food producers. Governments have been forced to abolish food reserves and eliminate import controls. Yet, state intervention in the market is necessary to fulfil the right to food, secure food production and the economy of small scale food producers. Therefore, FTA, EPA and WTO negotiations on the Agreement on Agriculture must be ended. These negotiations are hurting the vast majority of food producers. A new approach to international food and agricultural trade is urgently needed. This approach must be based on the right of countries to decide their level of self sufficiency and support for sustainable food production for domestic consumption. Discussions leading to a new trade regime based on the diverse needs of people and societies and the preservation of the environment should take place within the UN system. 

5. We insist that the right of governments to intervene and regulate in order to achieve food sovereignty, be reinstated. National governments have to take up their responsibility, control and push back elites and make food production for domestic consumption their priority. Countries have to raise their level of self sufficiency in food as far as possible and to achieve this the following measures must be taken: 

respect, protect and fulfil the right to adequate food, among other rights. 

Increase the budget support of peasant based food production; 

Implement genuine agrarian reform to give landless and other vulnerable groups access to land and other productive resources; 

Guarantee credit access to peasants and other small-scale food producers; 

Abolish all barriers preventing peasants and small-scale farmers from saving and 

exchanging seeds between communities, countries and continents; 

Strengthen peasant led research and support autonomous capacity building; 

Improve infrastructure so that peasants and small-scale producers can reach local markets; 

Develop strategies with peasant and other appropriate organisations to manage specific hazards and emergencies. 

Guarantee marginalised consumers access to domestic food and - if not available - to food brought in from adjacent surplus regions.  

6. We reject the Green Revolution models. Technocratic techno-fixes are no answer to sustainable food production and rural development. Industrialised agriculture and fisheries are not sustainable. The International Assessment of Agricultural Knowledge, Science and Technology for Development (IAASTD) clearly shows the need for a major change in the current research and development model. This report shows that governments (South and North) have wilfully and tragically neglected agriculture and rural development, especially small scale farming and artisanal fisheries since the last global food crisis. This attitude appears to be changing as the current emergency unfolds. However, the new interest in agriculture remains fundamentally flawed as private US foundations partner with global agribusiness to press national governments and international research systems to pursue a so-called “green revolution” in Africa and elsewhere based upon technological quick-fixes and failed market policies rather than social policy decisions. Governments, research institutions and other donors must learn from this study; change direction; and support small scale sustainable crop and livestock production and fisheries based on the expressed needs of local communities. The farmer/fisher-led programmes will lead to local and national self-reliance.  Specifically, governments attending the Third High-Level Forum on Aid-Effectiveness in Ghana in September should reject the philanthro-capitalist directed models for a new green revolution and should reaffirm the central role of people and governments in setting the policy and practical framework for development. 

7. We support an inclusive strategy for the conservation and sustainable use of agricultural biodiversity that prioritises the participation of small-scale farmers, pastoralists and fisherfolk. Biological diversity in agriculture is a prerequisite for securing food supplies. The huge loss in diversity, the use of GMOs and the patenting of seeds and genes make food production vulnerable. To support small-scale farmers that develop resilient, biodiverse production systems, we must work together to safeguard agroecosystems, species and genetic diversity that can adapt on-farm to new threats such as climate change.  The Rome Food Summit should challenge governments, FAO, the UN Convention on Biological Diversity and the Global Crop Diversity Trust to provide massive and immediate financial support for in situ and on-farm conservation through farmer-led crop and livestock conservation and improvement. 

8. We will participate in the development of a comprehensive local/global strategy to respond to climate change. Climate change is already causing major losses in food production and is devastating the lives of millions of people including those of migrants. The future is uncertain but most studies assume that climate change will be more damaging to people and food systems in tropical and subtropical countries than those in temperate zones. There is an urgent need to cut greenhouse gas emission by at least 80 per cent by 2030. This is primarily the responsibility of the industrialised countries. The global South must also adopt different policies and practices for energy production. In agriculture, the high input fossil fuel- driven industrial model for production and transport is a major cause of CO2 emissions. The development of peasant led sustainable food production, based on the sustainable use of local resources is a key solution to reduce these emissions. In addition, however, the polluting industrial countries must accept responsibility for the destruction of our environment and food systems and must pay reparations at levels, not less than 1 per cent of their annual GDP, that will help to alleviate damage and further development of sustainable and adaptable food and energy systems

Social movements and other civil society organisations who are prepared actively to pursue the agenda we have described, at local, national and global levels, are invited to sign up to this statement. 

For more information and to sign up, see www.nyeleni.eu/foodemergency

This statement was prepared by members of the IPC, the International Planning Committee for Food Sovereignty. The IPC is a facilitating network in which key international social movements and organisations collaborate around the issue of food sovereignty: these include ROPPA, WFFP, WFF, La Via Campesina, and many movements and NGOs in all regions (see: www.foodsovereignty.org/new/focalpoints.php). The IPC is coordinating a Parallel Forum to the FAO Food Summit in Rome.  

Further Details:

In Bonn: 

Miriam Boyer +49 178 249 5042 (français, español) 

Susanne Gura +49 176 850 34205 (Deutsch) 

Patrick Mulvany +49 176 850 37047 (English)  

International Press Contacts: 

International Planning Committee for Food Sovereignty (IPC) - Beatrice Gasco,  

phone +39 349 846 6103, e-mail: lo@foodsovereingty.org, www.foodsovereignty.org/new/  (English, Français, Español, Italiano) The International Planning Committee for Food Sovereignty (IPC) includes organisations that represent small farmers, fisherfolk, Indigenous Peoples, pastoralists, women, youth, agricultural workers’ trade unions and NGOs. 

La Via Campesina, Isabelle Delforge, phone: +32 498 522 163, e-mail: idelforge@viacampesina.org, www.viacampesina.org (English, Français, Español) La Via Campesina is the international movement of peasants, small and medium sized producers, landless, rural women, indigenous people, rural youth and agricultural workers active in more than 56 countries in Asia, Africa, Europe and the Americas. 

ROPPA, Ousseini Ouédrago, phone: +226 7661 4226, e-mail ouedraogo@roppa-ao.org, www.roppa.info  (Français) Le Réseau des organisations paysannes et de producteurs de l’Afrique de l’Ouest (ROPPA) 


Vandana Shiva: Why We Face Both Food and Water Crises

May 20, 2008

By Maria Armoudian and Ankine Aghassian, AlterNet, May 15, 2008

Policy-makers are finally grappling with the growing global food and water crises that are upon us. While they grope for answers, Vandana Shiva reminds them that it was their wild economic schemes that created these crises in the first place.

The globalized economic structure is simply incompatible with the basic physics of the planet and the principles of democratic governance, she says. And until we align the economic system with those of the ecological system, the problems will only get worse. While many of Shiva’s books address some aspect of this fundamental problem, one title captures it most succinctly, Earth Democracy, Justice, Sustainability and Peace.

Shiva is a physicist, author, director of the Research Foundation on Science, Technology and Ecology and the founder of Navdanya.

AlterNet: Much of your writing and speaking has focused on our economic structure’s incompatibility with the ecological functioning of the earth. Talk about that incompatibility.

Vandana Shiva: One aspect of the inconsistency is between the principles of Gaia, the principles of soil, the ecology, renewability, how the atmosphere cleans itself and the laws of the global marketplace. The global marketplace is driven by the World Bank and the World Trade Organization (WTO) and the illogic of so-called “free trade,” which is totally not free. [The result of this incompatibility] is the current food crisis: The more agriculture is “liberalized,” the greater the food scarcity, the higher the food prices and the more people will go hungry.

Never has there been this rate of escalation in food prices worldwide as we witness now with the global integration of the food economies under the coercive and bullying force of the WTO.

AlterNet: You have said, in the past, that these activities are done in the name of improving human welfare. But instead, poverty and dispossession have increased. Where do we see this the most?

VS: We see the worst dispossession in the countries of the South — tragically — those countries that could feed themselves. India, for example, was food self-sufficient. We were able to feed our people with a universal distribution system, affordable food for all, and agriculture policies that put food first. Small farmers could make a living.

But a decade and a half of globalization’s perverse rules have led to 200,000 farmers committing suicide because they can’t make a living anymore — all their money goes to make profit for Monsanto or Cargill. Meanwhile, with the economy’s so-called growth, people are starving. Per capita entitlement to food has dropped in a decade and half from 177 kg to 152 kg per year.

This contradicts the false propaganda being spread about the reason prices are rising. They say it is because Indians are getting richer and Indians are eating more. Well, some Indians are getting richer, but they’re not eating more. There’s a limit to how much you can eat. And the handful of billionaires buys a few more private jet planes and builds a few more private mansions. [But in reality], the average Indian is eating less. The average child has a bigger chance today of dying of hunger. The Cargill’s of the world have a stranglehold of the world’s economy; they’re harvesting super-profits while people die of hunger.

AlterNet: You talk about India being worse off, but many economists — including those on the political left — say that places like China and India are, overall, actually improving. But you say that is not true.

VS: It’s not true. India, under the perverse growth of globalization, has beaten out Africa in the number of hungry people. While we have 9.2 percent growth measured by GNP and GDP, 50 percent of our children have very severe malnutrition. Fifty percent of deaths for children under five are due to lack of food. That’s about a million kids per year.

AlterNet: That is a considerable change that I don’t think the world is seeing.

VS: That’s because the media orchestrates every analysis and interpretation. They would like this crisis to look like a success of globalization, and they would like to offer more globalization as a solution. In fact, the World Bank has said there should be more liberalized trade. Before the WTO was formed, we had protests with 500,000 farmers on the streets of Bangalore in 1993 to say that this is a recipe for starvation, for destroying agriculture, self-reliance and food security. And the General Agreement on Trade and Tariffs — before the WTO was born — had a press conference to say that globalization will make food affordable for all.

They forget that food ultimately is not produced in the speculation and commodity exchanges controlled by Cargill in Chicago. It is produced by hard working women and men working with the soil and sun. And if you destroy the capacity of the people to work the land and the capacity of soil to produce, you’re going to have hunger. The tragedy is that the hunger of today and the rise of food [prices] is the result of globalization policies, and it is being implemented on a global scale. Unless we bring local food sovereignty and “food democracy” back into the picture, we will not have a solution to this.

AlterNet: You’re talking about basic ecological principles here. But there are two other aspects about food shortages that are being discussed. One of them is that among some societies, such as China, the diet is changing, which contributes to food shortage. Reportedly, after being exposed to western diets, they are eating more meat which requires an enormous amount of grain — normally fed to people — to instead be fed to cattle. Do you see this as part of the problem?

VS: Well, I can definitely say that is not true for India. Vegetarian India will stay vegetarian India — rich or poor, integrated globally or not integrated globally. And the Chinese have always eaten meat. The difference is that now they are integrated into the global production system: It is factory farming that feeds grain to chicken and pigs and cows.

No indigenous culture — not China or India — has fed grain to animals. Animals have fed on what humans could not eat. Global agribusiness, which makes huge money out of the feed industry, is creating this pressure while destroying what I would call the “real free economy” — the free-range cattle, the free range chicken — and replacing it with prison factories for animals. In fact, in my interpretation, even the Avian flu is being used to violently shut down small economies, the free economies of Asian peasants, and turning them into Tyson and Cargill factory farming systems.

AlterNet: What about the role of climate change in this global food crisis?

VS: Climate change and agricultural food crises do have a connection. In fact, my next book is precisely about this connection. Industrial farming — driven by agribusiness in order to sell more chemicals, pesticides, and costly seeds to farmers — is heavily responsible for emissions of greenhouse gases such as methane from factory farms nitrogen oxide from chemically fertilized soil and fossil fuels from mechanized farming systems.

Further, the long distance trade is responsible for adding food miles, which adds more carbon emissions. Taken together, more than 25 percent of climate instability is being caused by unsustainable farming that [simultaneously] displaces small peasants, creates poverty and bad food. So, tomorrow we could solve 25 percent of the planet’s climate instability if we returned to ecological agriculture as the earth wants it, farming according to 10,000 years of wisdom that evolved from the third world.

Research that we are undertaking now shows a 200 percent higher level of carbon return and 10 times higher level of moisture retention. So if increased drought is one consequence of climate change, what you need is sorted organic matter, not more chemical fertilizers. We have two issues pertaining to climate change: We need to get rid of emissions from agriculture and long-distance transport.

This means ecological farming, localization of the food system and only importing what can’t be grown locally — not forcing imports as the U.S has done on India. It has forced us to buy wheat, give up our mustard and coconut oil and to live on soya. These trade factors are “forcings” that are causing more damage to our climate and destroying our food culture, nutrition and access to food.

Finally, biodiverse systems actually produce more food. It is an illusion that because there’s a food crisis, we must have [genetically modified food] spread around the world. First, genetically-engineered crops don’t produce more food. And secondly, they make the soil more vulnerable to climate change. They are herbicide resistant and toxin traps. That is not a yield increase.

AlterNet: So the genetic altering of food ultimately exacerbates the already difficult circumstances with food shortages.

VS: Absolutely. I think any recipe today offered in agriculture should be measured against the test of whether it will enhance the food production capacity of the poor and if it will reduce the pressure on the planet.

AlterNet: Let’s also incorporate another concept that you feature in your writing — “biopiracy.”

VS: Biopiracy is the strange phenomenon whereby the richest and biggest of corporations steal genetic resources and traditional knowledge from poor little women and peasants who have shared it for free for over a millennium. The first case I had to fight was against the United States government with W.R. Grace, which became infamous in the film A Civil Action, when it polluted the groundwater outside of Boston.

They stole Neem, which is a tree that gives us [natural] pest and fungal control through its oil. The USDA along with Grace claim to have invented Neem. Of course, my grandmother and my mother used it. Then, I popularized it after Bopal with a campaign called “No more Bopal. Plant a Neem.” When I saw this patent, I had to fight it. We fought for 11 years, and eventually the biggest governmental powers and one of the biggest chemical companies were beaten out by a coalition of civic society groups and movements.

Another case of biopiracy is the famous Basmati rice that comes from my valley. A company in Texas claims to have invented it. The third case was Monsanto, which claimed to have invented an ancient wheat variety, which is very low in gluten. The problem with biopiracy is not simply that they’re taking genetic material and knowledge for free, but that they are claiming an exclusive right to it and then demanding royalty, claim and fame from the very communities and societies [from which they have taken it], communities that have had this biodiversity and this knowledge for years.

AlterNet: Speaking of Monsanto, you have done considerable research on this company and published a report, “Peddling Life Sciences or Death Sciences.”

VS: If I had to rank criminality of corporations, Monsanto will easily walk away with the highest award. Monsanto has taken over the control of world’s seed supply. It has bought up every small seed company in India, Brazil and the United States and become the biggest seed corporation. But its entire model of functioning is through corruption. They corrupted the United States decision-making such that U.S. citizens no longer have a right to know what they are eating, whether milk has bovine growth hormone in it or if soybeans and corn are genetically engineered. They are spreading this corruption worldwide.

I am fighting them through three cases in our supreme court. And we’ve managed to hold them at the level of Bt cotton. They have not yet managed to invade into our food economy with genetically modified food crop. But the worst thing Monsanto is doing is buying Delta and Pine Land, a company that has the patent for terminator technology that designs seeds to be sterilized. It is genetically engineering life for life’s extinction.

AlterNet: We should also talk about water scarcity. There are major water wars occurring and considerable concern about the future of water. Do you think that water scarcity is being created largely by the phenomenon of privatization or is it resulting from climate change and other such phenomena?

VS: Water scarcity [is] being created by non-sustainable systems of production for both food and textile. Every industrial activity has huge water demands. Industrial agriculture requires ten times more water to produce the same amount of food than ecological farming does. And the “green revolution” was not so green because it created demand for large dams and mining of groundwater.

Industrial agriculture has depleted water resources. In addition, as water has become polluted and depleted, a handful of industry saw water as a way of making super-profits by privatizing it. They are privatizing it in two ways. The first is through buying up entire civic, municipal distribution. The big players in this are Bechtel, Suez and Vivendi.

And interestingly, wherever they go, they face protests. Bechtel was thrown out of Bolivia. Suez wanted to take Delhi’s water supply, but we had a movement for water democracy and did not allow them to take over. But there’s a second kind of privatization, which is more insidious — and that is the plastic water bottle. Coca-Cola and Pepsi are leading in this privatization. But in India where Coca-Cola was stealing water, I worked with a small group of village women, and they shut their plant down. Across India, these giant corporations are taking between 1.5 to 2 million liters of water a day and leaving behind a water famine.

AlterNet: Given what is happening as a result of climate change, would we still face a water crisis without these practices?

VS: We would not be facing water problems if people have been allowed to have their economies, to practice sustainability and to live their lives. Every step in the water crisis is due to greed. As the water becomes increasingly scarce, the corporations who control the water become richer. It is the same with food. As food becomes scarce, the corporations controlling food become richer. That is the paradox of the global economy. Growth shows up in the profits of corporations while in the real world, the resources from which they make their profits, shrink.

AlterNet: You have also suggested that these same economic principles are incompatible with the sustenance of democratic governance.

VS: There are many levels at which a market economy called corporate globalization has to kill democracy in order to survive. Take the birth of World Trade Organization (WTO), an undemocratic institution. There are no negotiations on the rules it imposes. These rules are created undemocratically. Then, every time these rules are implemented, there are protests. Normally in democracy, if the will of people say change this policy, governments change. Unfortunately, governance today is run by corporations not the people. Every step of deepening the market economy is a depletion of democracy. Our very governments have been stolen from us, and we have to use democracy to counter these rules, this paradigm, and the absolute destruction [it causes].

AlterNet: Describe your alternative vision that could replace what we currently have.

VS: I try to articulate an alternative vision in terms of a democracy. Global market economy makes the first citizen the corporation. The rest of us are slaves, second class citizens. Secondly, it creates an identity for the human species as consumers in a global supermarket. We are no longer creators and producers. We are just consumers of goods that corporations bring to us from the place where they can manufacture them — at the highest cost to the environment and workers.

What we need is a reclaiming of who we are as human beings. We are first and foremost citizens of this beautiful planet. Our first duty is to protect this planet. And out of that flows the rights to the earth, air, water and food that the earth gives us. Those gifts are common resources, not commodities, private property or intellectual property. They are the commons of the earth and all of us have equal access to it. Nobody can interfere in the access of a person to their share of water, land and air. That interference is a violation of the rules of Gaia and the rules of democracy.

But the polluting industry has privatized even the air by first putting their pollutants into it and then by the carbon trade. They’re basically are saying that because we polluted the atmosphere, we own it. So we can pollute as much as we want and then buy up clean credits from someone else who is not polluting. The commons and the recovery of commons is vital to earth democracy. It’s at the heart of sustainability of the earth and democratic functioning of society.

AlterNet: Do property rights fit into this vision of the commons?

VS: Most private property rights have been carved out of the shared resources of the earth. In India we say “land belongs to creation.” We can use it and have “use rights,” but that is different from ownership and tradable rights. It is British colonialism that created private property in land the way it is now practiced.

Now, the World Bank is trying to create private property in land among indigenous communities. Water was never property either, but today, they are trying to change that. Seeds were meant to be shared and distributed, not treated as property. Intellectual property rights are as recent as the World Trade Organization and need to be eliminated because they are inconsistent with life [principles]. A world of the future governed by intellectual property rights over seed in Monsanto’s hands is a future where biodiversity will be destroyed, farmers will be wiped out and there will be no food worth eating.

AlterNet: You’ve also been involved in the “slow food” movement and organic farming.

VS: I was just elected Vice President of Slow Food [International], and I chair an international commission on the future of food, a commission started by the region of Tuscany in Italy. I convinced the [founder], Carlo Petrini, to recognize that food does not begin in the kitchen or in the chef’s hands. It begins in the farmers’ fields. One of the contributions that I and my colleagues have made in the seed-saving and organic farming movements is the recognition that biodiversity, organic farming and small-scale agriculture produces more food. It is a myth created by industrial agriculture and agribusiness that monocultures and chemical farming produce more food. They use more energy and chemicals, and do not produce more nutrition per acre. In fact, they use ten times more energy inputs than they produce as food. So with the food crisis, it is vital that we move to efficient food systems that also give us better quality food.

AlterNet: How would we carry your vision and language into actual political and farming structure?

VS: In countries like India, it’s not a case of vision being translated into practice. It’s defending a practice that’s being destroyed by a perverse vision. For us, it is defending the rights of small peasants. That’s where lot of my energy goes. An India of the villages was Gandhi’s dream and is my dream. But I do not see India surviving if her villages and her food capacity are wiped out. In the Northern countries like the United States farmers have already been uprooted. We need more farms producing more locally-grown foods. This country that can subsidize biofuel and chemicals should instead subsidize the return of small farmers to the land. This would solve much of the unemployment problem too.

Maria Armoudian is a singer/songwriter, a commissioner on the environment for the City of Los Angeles and host and producer of the Insighters for KPFK. Ankine Aghassian is co-producer of the Insighters on KPFK and a human rights activist.